If
the United States had it to do over - would it offer Commonwealth status
to
the Northern Marianas?
Do the new geopolitical relationships which have evolved around the
Pacific rim since 1976 between
the United States and other countries still
exercise the same degree
of influence on the political relationship with
the Northern Marianas
today as in the previous period of the Trust
Territory administration?
A brief review of the past is necessary to place
the question in perspective.
At the end of World War II there were eleven United Nation
trusteeships that evolved
from the flames of the holocaust. Ten of these
possessions of former adversaries
of the Allied powers were administered
through the United Nations
General Assembly. Only the islands of
Micronesia, of which the
Northern Marianas was a part, were considered a
strategic trust and
placed under the administration of the U. N. Security
Council where the United
States had veto power. Before exploring this
question it is necessary
to look back in time to a period just after the
conclusion of hostilities.
Those were the days before widespread use of
commercial jet aircraft
when travel from Hawaii to Saipan required many
exhausting hours. In the
early fifties a flight from Honolulu to Wake
Island took about nine and
one half hours from Wake to Saipan was still
eight hours further. To
consider the islands as being isolated in those
days would be an understatement.
The
appeal of the islands of Micronesia was to military planners and
political strategists. Long
before the flames of World War II engulfed
the world, the use of a
nation's resources was directly affected by its
trading opportunities. With
few exceptions among the great trading nations
of the world, the full benefit
of possessing exploitable resources or
colonies only came with
transport across the oceans.
Sea routes are valuable national assets and the power to control or
influence these traffic
lanes is a matter of importance to all nations
which border the sea.
The ocean, and today the air, are avenues of
commerce -- lifelines to
carry a nation's industrial blood, whether it be
raw materials or its processed
products to world markets.
It was opportunities for commerce that first opened the vast expanse
of the Pacific. Later
sea power was brought to bear to protect these trade
routes. All navies depend
upon bases of fixed facilities for replenishing,
repairing and refueling
their vessels and the islands in the Pacific have
frequently played a major
role. To keep such bases operational a navy must
strive defensively to maintain
control of those sea lanes leading to its
base of operations and keep
them open.
To wage offensive warfare a navy must have sufficient power to close
off the trade routes of
any adversary. These units must have a secure base
preferably near or within
the sea lanes they are to protect. Before the
Second World War both the
United States and the Japanese appreciated this
concept very well.
It is because of geography that the Pacific Islands have always
figured prominently and
importantly in the affairs of western hemispheric
nations in a measure far
beyond their size and resources would seem to
warrant. It is frequently
because of an isolated but strategic location
that some islands are considered
to be of military and political importance
far in excess of their economic
value. Indeed, those islands situated
relatively near the coastline
of continents make ideal bases for extending
the national will of one
country over another. Rarely do such islands owe
any allegiance to the country
which controls the nearby mainland. Guam is a
classic example. Not only
is it relatively near the Asian continent but
from the time the Japanese
moved in to control the Nanyo (Mandated Islands)
it was an American enclave
within a Japanese military and economic sphere
-- a virtual thorn in the
side of the Japanese military planners. Islands
most prized by the military
are frequently those which can provide a navy
with a protected deep water
anchorage.
In former times islands served as coaling stations, relay stations
for transoceanic cables,
locations for radio transmitters, etc. Today they
are sites for radar, earth
satellite communication systems and fueling
stops for the jet "clippers"
of the skies, which more often than not land
on air strips which were
first constructed to service the military.
Extreme geographic, cultural, historical, economic and political
contrasts face each other
across the Pacific Ocean. The oldest civilization
on earth faces the youngest.
The most overpopulated continent lies opposite
the most sparsely populated.
The richest country is in stark contrast with
some of the poorest. The
most modernized and industrially advanced nation
faces some of the most technologically
backward. The nation with the
highest standard of living
stands in contrast to a continent with the
lowest. But this is changing
rapidly.
The Pacific is the ocean where east meets west -- ancient
civilizations with cultural
and ancestral stability and with reverence for
the past are juxtaposed
with the restlessness of the West and its obsession
with the future. So it was
in the early forties and so it remains today.
As the strategy of the Pacific
is examined it becomes abundantly clear why
Guam, Saipan and Tinian
are so important to the United States.
Before the war the Japanese developed the economies of the mandated
islands to the extent possible.
After the war the United States elected to
wait until the Micronesians
themselves were the rulers of their own economy
and America adopted
a policy of providing funds for public works projects
which ironically, to date,
benefit Japanese investors and at some future
date possibly the U. S.
military. Curiously, the islands were never
administered by the U. S.
Department of State which carries out America's
foreign policy since to
do so would be tantamount to admitting they were
"foreign." Instead, the
newly "associated" Pacific islands were, for a
period, administered
by the United States Navy until June 30, 1951 after
which responsibility passed
to the Department of the Interior, Office of
Territorial and International
Affairs where many United States domestic
policies and programs could
be applied regardless whether they were
appropriate for Pacific
societies and, indeed, many were not - but others
were quite beneficial.
Eventually the people of Micronesia ( including the Marianas) were
encouraged to choose their
future political status from three options.
These included selecting
independence or becoming affiliated with the
United States, either through
a relationship of free association or a
commonwealth status based
upon a negotiated agreement which later became
known as the Covenant.The
Covenant describes the relationship agreed upon
between the people of the
Northern Marianas and the United States
Government.
No other United States territory or insular possession has a similar
relationship. Alaska, Hawaii,
Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, American
Samoa, Guam and other Pacific
possessions were all acquired under
circumstances far different
than that of the Northern Marianas. This unique
relationship between the
United States Government and the Commonwealth
stems from the fact
that the islands were never recognized as a permanent
possession of any nation
since they were taken from defeated Germany by the
Allied Powers during World
War One. Subsequently assigned to Japan under a
mandate from the League
of Nations, the status of the islands did not
change after they were occupied
by United States armed forces in 1944.
Indeed, since their purchase
by Germany from Spain in 1899, and their
assignment to Japan for
administration in 1920 by the League of Nations,
the Northern Marianas had
no political identity among the countries of the
world. From the time of
Germany's loss of the islands they were never
regarded as a permanent
colony within the exclusive sovereignty of any
nation, except, of course,
by Japan when it left the League before the
outbreak of World War II.
For a nation to acquire additional territory a government must
either annex an area by
force of arms or by purchase from a sovereign
government.The Northern
Marianas was not a permanent legal possession of
Japan at the time of the
war as it had only been entrusted to Japan under
a mandate by a group of
countries through their organization - the League
of Nations. Therefore, the
United States could not strip territory from
defeated Japan at the conclusion
of hostilities since the islands were
never recognized as a permanent
legal possession of Japan in the first
place.
After the war the Northern Mariana Islands were sealed off to all
but the military in order
to provide a location for clandestine activities
undertaken by the Central
Intelligence Agency under the auspices of the
Naval Tactical Training
Unit, (NTTU). Not much is known about the secret
facility which had been
established on Saipan to train certain individuals
in insurgency for possible
future interdiction into Communist southeast
Asia and elsewhere. The
island was militarily sealed off and only certain
U. S. government personnel
were permitted to enter and leave Saipan. The
local people did not enjoy
much freedom of movement and were confined to
Saipan and Guam which was
also closed to everyone except military
personnel.
Once
the training facility on Saipan was abandoned in the 60’s the
island became the headquarters
of the Trust Territory Government from which
all the islands of Micronesia,
formerly the Japanese Mandated Islands, were
administered. During this
period and until 1973 it was the policy of the
United States Government,
as the administering authority, to continue
exercising unusual influence
over the development of the islands and its
people. American policy
was exercised on the basis of the ''most favored
nation" clause within Article
8 (1) of the Trusteeship Agreement For The
Former Japanese Mandated
Islands. From 1947 until 1973 this policy
prohibited non American
investment and was referred to as the "denial
principle." The United
States Government was not particularly interested
in the islands- except for
Saipan and its training base for Central
Intelligence Agency covert
operations and did not wish to encourage
investment from the nationals
of other countries. The administering
authority interpreted Article
8 in such a manner to be an effective tool
to prohibit foreign investment.
This had the effect of keeping the economy
of the islands in
an undeveloped state.
Meanwhile, the Congress of Micronesia, a representative body whose
creation was sanctioned
by the High Commissioner of the Trust Territory,
entered into negations with
the United States Government for a change in
political status. Representatives
of the Congress of Micronesia approached
the High Commissioner and
pointed out that the people who would eventually
vote in a plebiscite were
not aware of the ramifications of the issues
involved within the various
political choices and requested that a program
be undertaken to acquaint
them with the intricacies of the various
political alternatives.
The result was a Micronesian wide effort known as
Education For Self Government
(ESG). I think Sam McPhetres and myself are
the only non indigenous
people still around who were involved in the
program although at the
time many participated including Chamorro and
Carolinian advisors. It
was during this program that the United States
“caved in” and assented
to the demands of the Soviet Union’s representative
on the United Nations Security
Council to remove all materials and withhold
all information which could
be construed as encouraging democratic
principles or advocating
any form of relationship with the United States.
Thus, programs in the public
schools teaching the concept of civics, Alexis
de Tocqueville’s Principles
of Democracy and other works were withdrawn
from the program without
a whimper in deference to the Soviet Union’s
communist representative.
If some people within the Northern Marianas seem be unfamiliar with
the obligations and responsibilities
that are inherent in U. S.
citizenship, an honor bestowed
upon the those islanders that qualified by
Presidential Order, it
should be kept in mind that at the time the people
of the Northern Marianas,
unlike other nationalities seeking U. S.
citizenship, were not required
to possess any knowledge of American history
or the principles of democracy
as most Americans perceive them to be.
Normally immigrants seeking
U. S. citizenship must study a variety of
subjects related to American
history, pass an examination and swear an oath
of allegiance to the Constitution.
This was not required of the people of
the Northern Marianas.
Nor, during the period the Trust Territory
Government conducted educational
programs for self government, was civics
and the duties of citizenship
taught in the public schools. To have done
so during this period of
the early seventies when political preferences
were being explored -
and to have openly advocated U. S. Commonwealth
status from among the other
remaining options available to the people of
the Northern Marianas would
have raised the ire of the French and Soviet
delegates on the United
Nations Security Council and precipitate a charge
of colonialism against the
United States. The political education program
had to be impartial - and
it was.
The United States assured the Security Council that it would conduct
political status negotiations
with the Trust Territory as a whole and would
not attempt to fragment
the area. This policy was later abandon by the
United States and the Marianas
Political Status Commission was created to
negotiate separately with
the United States. This eventually lead to a
plebiscite when the people
of the Northern Marianas by 78.8 percent of the
votes cast on June 17, 1975
elected to accept a negotiated Covenant with
the United States. This
became U.S. Public Law 94-241 when enacted by the
United States Congress and
became effective on April 1, 1976, a little more
than 30 years after the
end of World War II. The people of the islands, of
their own free will, desire
and volition found their own way toward a
close affiliation under
the American Flag. Of all the entities within the
former Japanese Mandated
Islands they were the only people to seek and
obtain such a close political
relationship with the United States.
Upon the breakup of the Soviet Union and after the United States
closed it bases in the Philippines
several years ago, the Mariana Islands
of Guam, Tinian and Saipan
also experienced a reduced importance to
American strategic requirements
in the western Pacific. However, it is
still a result of their
geographic location in proximity to the Asian
Continent as well as the
Great Circle Sailing Routes (shortest distance)
between the United States
and the Philippines, the Strait of Malacca at
Singapore and the Lombok
Straits in Indonesia that the United States is
expected to continue to
exhibit interest, albeit at a reduced level, in
the area far into the twenty-first
century. The Malacca and Lombok Straits
are the passages through
which super tankers and their vital cargo of oil
from the Middle East must
travel enroute to the United States west coast
and the ports of its Japanese
ally and trading partner.
The Mariana Islands are geographically situated so as to be the
farthest United States possessions
in the Pacific west of Hawaii. Situated
in a universe of water,
the Marianas archipelago are the farthest stars out
in the American galaxy.
As a contingency the United States military has
leased a portion of Tinian,
(originally 17,799 acres of which 12,000 acres
have been leased back to
the CNMI ). Several U.S. military supply vessels
are already based in Commonwealth
waters.
Today the islands may have lost much of their strategic appeal as
geographic assets. Not only
is the land area available for military use
limited, but a diminished
threat from the former Soviet Union (now the
Commonwealth of Independent
States) and the modern technology of weapon
systems has certainly reduced
the strategic importance of the islands.
At the end of World War II and during - and after - the Korean
conflict and the Vietnam
War, the United States was preoccupied in
southeast and northeast
Asia with a policy designed to contain the Soviet
Union and communism. Japan
was ideally situated geographically to
facilitate the effort
with the result that the United States greatly
assisted in the economic
recovery of its former adversary after the
devastation of the Pacific
war with the result that, within the span of
less that four decades,
Japan became one of the strongest economies in the
world.
After World War II and the emergence of the Soviet Union on the
world economic scene
along with the threat of communism, the United
States, in an attempt to
offer the developing nations of the world an
alternative to this economic
philosophy, opened its vast markets to
industries in Asia. This
was an "economic carrot" offered as an alternative
to communism and aided
in the building of an alliance against the Soviet
Union. In so doing some
of the United States domestic industries started
their long decline. Who,
for example in 1950, could possibly imagine that
American automobile manufacturers
would lose out on their own home
territory. But this is what
has happened along with steel, shipbuilding and
a myriad of other industries.
If it continues one must wonder what the
American worker will produce
in the year 2000 to earn the money to continue
to represent a substantial
export market for the growing quantity of Asian
manufactured items of high
quality. With the collapse of the Soviet Union
and the current strong economies
of Korea, Taiwan, Japan and others the
United States no longer
has to offer the "carrot" of free market access or
low tariffs on the American
side of the Pacific.
With the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, America found itself
with no real military threat
in the western Pacific and Japan's geographic
location no longer as important
in containing Soviet expansion in east
Asia. This was the principal
reason for United States reconstructing
Japan's economy after World
War II - to make the nation a bulwark against
communism. With the end
of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union
the United States is left
without a military challenge in the region but
finds itself faced with
an economic threat from Japan, a country which is
weak militarily but one
of the most wealthy nations in the world.This is a
nation consisting of
a group of small, crowded islands in comparison to
the entire American continent
and, in contrast to North America, a country
totally dependent upon overseas
trade to sustain its economy.
Geopolitics in the western Pacific will continue to be influenced by
the United States with Japan
and China increasingly becoming major
players. With the second
largest economy in the world, Japan must import
all its raw material and
export its finished manufactured goods to markets
throughout the world. The
highways for this commerce are the sea lanes of
all the world's oceans.
The Marianas archipelago
sits astride many of these major ocean routes and
is the closest American
soil to the continent of Asia. For this reason
alone the area is a valuable
national asset.
The center of gravity for world trade has shifted over the past
twenty five years to the
vast markets of Asia. Since the conclusion of
World War II the United
States has maintained economic supremacy in the
world but today that position
is being seriously challenged by Japan and,
to a lesser extent, several
other Asian countries around the Pacific rim.
The Mariana Islands, America's
most western affiliated archipelago and the
closest American jurisdiction
to Japan and China, provides an ideal
location for United States
firms interested in serving Asian countries
from a U. S. base of operations
in proximity to the markets of the Far
East. Serious consideration
should by given by mainland American businesses
to the geographic advantages,
political stability and other amenities
provided by the Commonwealth.
The Commonwealth's
proximity to Asia places it within reasonable
distances to 1.4 billion
people of Pacific rim Asian countries with a
combined gross domestic
product equal to $2.9 trillion dollars. China alone
has a population of of 1.2
billion people and a fast developing economy.
In terms
of marine resources the Pacific Ocean yields about 65 percent
of the world's annual supply
of tuna. About 50 percent of the Pacific
catch comes from the
western Pacific. The waters around the Northern
Marianas chain abound with
pelagic species of jacks, mahi mahi, marlin,
skipjack, tuna, yellowfin
and wahoo. The exclusive economic zone
surrounding the Northern
Mariana Islands covers 99.9 percent of the CNMI'S
total area of approximately
264,000 square miles. The area is a unique
body of water with a most
unusual seabed. It contains the Marianas Trench,
the greatest ocean depth
on the face of the earth, and an active submerged
volcanic system. These
factors contribute to rich mineral resource
potential.
Returning
to to question, “if the United States had it to do over -
would it offer Commonwealth
status to the Northern Marianas?” You, the
reader decide.
Back |